Political Knowledge and Information
Updated Mar 19, 2026
Monday:
Groups assigned for Group Project
Recap discussion of Ideology and Issues
General overview of political knowledge
Thursday:
Finish Jerit, Barabas and Bolsen (2006)
Alternative conceptions of political knowledge Weaver, Prowse and Piston (2019)
Misinformation (Jerit and Zhao 2020)
By Thursday:
What have we learned so far?
Converse (1964)
Ansolabehere, Rodden, and Snyder (2008)
Freeder, Lenz and Turney (2019)
Most citizens lack what stable, coherent ideological belief systems
Shallow understanding of liberal-conservative labels
Inconsistent beliefs across issue, particular among the mass public
Centrality of groups and possiblity of issue publics
A critique of Converse (1964) suggesting the apparent instabiltiy and incoherence of issue attitudes is a product of measurement error
Using multiple items to measure latent concepts:
A critique of Ansolabehere’s critique, suggesting that simply constructing multi-item scales reduces multiple sources of error and instability, only some of which is classic measurement error
Returns to Converse’s concept of “what goes with what,” using candidate and party placements (how) as a proxy for this form of knowledge.
Show that knowledge of what goes with what is the driving force of ideological consistency and stability
Due February 24th
May be on any topic we’ve covered so far
What is this paper about?
If you had to summarize this paper in one to two sentences, how would you do it?
What’s the argument?
What are the key concepts?
Why do we care?
What’s the contribution?
What are the expectations?
How will the paper convince you of its claims
Is it an experimental or observational design
What data does the paper use
What methods the paper apply
What evidence does the paper provide to support its claims
What specific tables and figures support the paper’s claims
Note
In your papers, I’m particularly interested in your ability to take a theoretical claim and map it onto an empirical result. Give me page numbers, tables, estimates.
What have we learned?
What do we still need to know?
What would we do differently?
Take a few moments to write down your thoughts:
What kinds of knowledge do citizens in a democracy need to possess
Do citizens generally possess this knowledge?
Is this a problem?
Do you happen to know what job or office is now held by J.D. Vance?
Whose responsibility is it to determine if a law is constitutional or not … is it the president, the Congress, or the Supreme Court?
How much of a majority is required for the US Senate and House to override a presidential veto?
Do you happen to know which party has the most members in the House of Representatives in Washington?
Would you say that one of the parties is more conservative than the other at the national level? Which party is more conservative?
Do you happen to know what job or office is now held by J.D. Vance? Vice President
Whose responsibility is it to determine if a law is constitutional or not … is it the president, the Congress, or the Supreme Court? Supreme Court
How much of a majority is required for the US Senate and House to override a presidential veto? Two-thirds
Do you happen to know which party has the most members in the House of Representatives in Washington? Republicans
Would you say that one of the parties is more conservative than the other at the national level? Which party is more conservative? Republican Party

Information: “Information is what educators can convey to others”
Knowledge is memories of how concepts and objects are related to each other.
Competence is the ability to perform a task in a particular way
Competence requires knowledge, but not complete knowledge. Depends on the context/decision
Let’s take a look at political knowledge in the 2020 American National Election Study as measured by four items:
## ---- Recode data ----
df %>%
mutate(
pk_senate_term = case_when(
V201644 == 6 ~ 1,
V201644 < 0 ~ NA,
T ~ 0
),
pk_foreign_aid = case_when(
V201645 == 1 ~ 1,
V201645 < 0 ~ NA,
T ~ 0
),
pk_house = case_when(
V201646 == 1 ~ 1,
V201646 < 0 ~ NA,
T ~ 0
),
pk_senate = case_when(
V201647 == 2 ~ 1,
V201647 < 0 ~ NA,
T ~ 0
),
sex = ifelse(V201600 == 2, "Female", "Male"),
college_degree = ifelse(V201511x > 3, "College Degree", "No College"),
race = case_when(
V201549x == 1 ~ "White",
V201549x == 2 ~ "Black",
V201549x == 3 ~ "Hispanic",
V201549x == 4 ~ "Asian",
T ~ "Other"
),
race = forcats::fct_infreq(race),
income = case_when(
V201617x < 0 ~ NA,
T ~ V201617x
),
political_interest = ifelse(
V201005 < 0, NA, (V201005 - 5)*-1
)
) %>%
mutate(
political_knowledge = rowSums(
select(.,starts_with("pk")),
na.rm=T
)
)-> df## ---- Figures ----
## Individual items
df %>%
summarise(
`Senate Term` = mean(pk_senate_term,na.rm=T),
`Foreign Aid` = mean(pk_foreign_aid, na.rm = T),
`Dem House` = mean(pk_house, na.rm=T),
`Rep Senate` = mean(pk_senate, na.rm = T)
) %>%
pivot_longer(
cols = 1:4,
names_to = "Item"
) %>%
mutate(
Item = forcats::fct_reorder(Item,value),
`Percent Correct` = round(value*100,2)
) %>%
ggplot(aes(Item, `Percent Correct`))+
geom_bar(stat = "identity")+
coord_flip()+
geom_text(aes(label = scales::percent(value)),
hjust = -.25)+
ylim(0,100)+
labs(
title="Individual Knowledge Items",
x = ""
) +
theme_minimal()-> fig1
## Knowledge Scale
df %>%
group_by(political_knowledge) %>%
summarise(
n = n(),
prop = n()/nrow(df),
Percent = scales::percent(prop)
) %>%
ggplot(aes(political_knowledge, prop))+
geom_bar(stat = "identity")+
scale_y_continuous(labels = label_percent())+
geom_text(aes(y = prop, x= political_knowledge,label = Percent), vjust = -.5)+
ylim(0, .33)+
labs(
x = "Number of Items Correct",
title = "Political Knowledge Scale"
) +
theme_minimal() -> fig2
# ---- Knowledge Gaps ----
# Education
df %>%
ggplot(aes(college_degree, political_knowledge,
col = college_degree))+
stat_summary()+
guides(col = "none")+
theme_minimal()+
labs(
x= "",
y = "Average Political Knowledge",
title = "Education"
) -> fig3
# Sex
df %>%
ggplot(aes(sex, political_knowledge,
col = sex))+
stat_summary()+
guides(col = "none")+
theme_minimal()+
labs(
x= "",
y = "Average Political Knowledge",
title = "Sex"
) -> fig4
# Race
df %>%
ggplot(aes(race, political_knowledge,
col = race))+
stat_summary()+
guides(col = "none")+
theme_minimal()+
labs(
x= "",
y = "Average Political Knowledge",
title = "Race"
) -> fig5
# Income
df %>%
ggplot(aes(income, political_knowledge,
))+
stat_summary(size=.2)+
theme_minimal()+
labs(
x= "",
y = "Average Political Knowledge",
title = "Income"
) -> fig6# ---- Models ----
## Bivariate
m1 <- lm_robust(political_knowledge ~ college_degree, df)
m2 <- lm_robust(political_knowledge ~ sex, df)
m3 <- lm_robust(political_knowledge ~ race, df)
m4 <- lm_robust(political_knowledge ~ income, df)
## Multiple Regression
m5 <- lm_robust(political_knowledge ~
college_degree + sex + race + income + political_interest , df)

We could also explore knowledge gaps using regression. Recall:
Regression is tool for estimating conditional means
Regression partitions variance explained by specific factors
| Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | Model 4 | Model 5 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| (Intercept) | 2.57*** | 2.00*** | 2.30*** | 1.73*** | 1.42*** |
| (0.02) | (0.02) | (0.02) | (0.03) | (0.05) | |
| No BA | -0.66*** | -0.46*** | |||
| (0.03) | (0.03) | ||||
| Male | 0.44*** | 0.34*** | |||
| (0.03) | (0.02) | ||||
| Hispanic | -0.40*** | -0.18*** | |||
| (0.05) | (0.04) | ||||
| Black | -0.52*** | -0.26*** | |||
| (0.04) | (0.04) | ||||
| Other | -0.30*** | -0.08 | |||
| (0.05) | (0.05) | ||||
| Asian | 0.12 | 0.10 | |||
| (0.07) | (0.06) | ||||
| Income | 0.04*** | 0.02*** | |||
| (0.00) | (0.00) | ||||
| Political Interest | 0.27*** | ||||
| (0.01) | |||||
| R2 | 0.07 | 0.03 | 0.02 | 0.06 | 0.19 |
| Adj. R2 | 0.07 | 0.03 | 0.02 | 0.06 | 0.19 |
| Num. obs. | 8280 | 8280 | 8280 | 7665 | 7664 |
| RMSE | 1.16 | 1.18 | 1.19 | 1.15 | 1.07 |
| ***p < 0.001; **p < 0.01; *p < 0.05 | |||||
What’s the point of this study?
Think, pair, share…
From page 268:

Prevailing accounts of citizen competence suggest citizens have:
WPP invert this claim, contending marginalized groups often have:
WPP intervene in the political knowledge literature, which:
Finds citizens possess low levels of factual knowledge
Argues this ignorance may undermine democratic decision-making
In some cases, suggests citizens exert too much influence (Quirk & Hinchliffe 1998)
Following Cramer and Toff (2017) they think of political knowledge in terms of people’s lived experiences
Civic competence depends less on factual recall and more on how people interpret and deploy political experience

WPP’s work builds on theories of policy feedback
WPP in particular, focus on the second face of government that deals with aspects of social control
WPP argue that citizens in highly policed communities possess extensive knowledge of the state’s coercive face — and that this knowledge reflects democratic failure rather than democratic competence.
- 233 conversations between Black residents across 13 highly policed neighborhoods
The Portal does two things simultaneously, providing the opportunity and space to discuss a topic and connecting them to those who can be assumed to be knowledgeable about that topic.
Portals participants are not a strictly random sample and we cannot say how representative they are of communities of interest.
We are after richer data that reveals not just a snapshot of opinion that is “representative,” but how people reason together, how they frame things in their own words not those of the survey researcher, and how they develop a theory of state action and power.
Second, we would be more concerned about representativeness or bias if we were testing hypotheses about the distributions of attitudes (how many) or causal relationships between variables (how related), studies based on a “sampling logic.
Finally, existing large-N surveys are notoriously inadequate at capturing the experiences of highly policed communities.
Not designed to estimate population distributions
Designed to understand reasoning processes
Survey methods under-capture highly policed communities
Goal: depth, not representativeness
Take a few momements to share with your neighbor, your understanding of the study’s findings
The crux of their argument follows from their summary of the initial portal conversation (pp. 1155-1158) which they argue reveals:
Pariticipants exhibit Dual Knowledge:
What the state claims to do
What the state actually does
Knowledge is:
Deep, specific, experiential
Often acquired involuntarily
Reinforced by community and media
Knowledge functions as:
A strategy of self-preservation
A way to navigate risk
A tool for distancing from state oversight
Conclusion:
What counts as political knowledge?
Should experiential knowledge be treated as epistemically privileged?
Does this redefine democratic competence?
What does this imply about measuring political knowledge with surveys?
When does this knowledge lead to withdrawal rather than participation?
Rumors
Lack evidentiary standards
May turn out to be true
Conspiracy beliefs
Explain events via hidden, powerful actors
Often tied to dispositional predispositions
Misinformation
Unambiguously false
Confidently held
Intrepetation:

Jerit and Zhao (2020) (pp 79-81) review some psychological explanations, emphasizing different cognitive motivations:
Misinformation is a form of motivated reasoning reflecting a directional desire to maintain consistency with ones’ prior beliefs.
Directional motives are often the default in politics.
Identity-linked issues activate them most strongly.
Extensive but theoretically fragmented.
Depends on the issue, correction, and individuals
What counts as success?
Possibility for corrections to backfire
Conceptually, misinformation involves confidently holding false beliefs
Some scholars have proposed that misinformation is a form of expressive responding or partisan cheerleading and that partisan gaps disapper when we incentivize correct responses (Bullock et al. 2015)
What do we make of the directions for further research on p. 88?
Think in terms of larger questions of citizen competence.
Why does it matter if citizens:
By Monday:
By Wednesday:

POLS 1140