Race and Ethnicity
Updated Mar 9, 2025
Broad overview of the field:
Theories of Race and Ethnicity
Racial and Ethnic Politics
Wednesday
Friday
Wednesday
Friday
“Racial Spillover” Tesler (2012)
Term papers now due Sunday, Nov 3
Survey will be fielded post election
Click here to be rewarded for your attendance on a beautiful Wednesday afternoon
Each campaigns “closing arguments”
Take a few moments to think about:
Why these rallies would have an impact of voters decisions (which voters?)
Why they would not
How would we know?
Some sundry thoughts:
Polls show an extremely tight race
Forecasts give a slight edge to Trump
A normal (+/- 3 points) polling error in either direction (Trump/Harris) could translate into landslides for either candidate
It’s hard to know the direction of polling errors ahead of time
Polling relies on the logic of sampling theory
Approximating a simple random sample increasingly relies on modelling assumptions
In a recent piece, Josh Clinton show’s how adjusting a poll to match the electorate in terms of
Demographics
Politics
Likelihood of voting
Can produce an 8 point swing (+8 Harris to Even)
Weighting by demographics increases support for Harris largely because sample is less female than past electorates
Weighting by demographics and partisanship reduces support for Harris because sample is more democratic female than current benchmarks
Weighting by past vote has a similar effect, but depends on how many new voters (non voters in 2020) – who tend to support Harris 58-42 – we think there will be (more new voters, more support for Harris)
Finally adjusting for demographics, partisanship and likelihood of voting tends to increase support for Harris slightly
And the similarly if we use past voting,
I’ll give you a prediction on Monday.
In the meantime, please read this article by the NYT Nate Cohn and come ready to discuss the cases for optimism and pessimism about the polls
Race and ethnicity are related but distinct concepts
Race ∼ biological inheritance
Ethnicity ∼ cultural inheritance
See James (2016)
Sen and Wasow 2016 distinguish between two competing views of race:
Essentialist: View race in biological terms categorizing people by regions of ancestry and phenotype
Constructivist: Race is product of products of social forces including cultural, historical, ideological, geographical, and legal influences
Although most popular conceptions of race tend toward the essentialist, a considerable body of work suggests that a constructivist theory better fits how race actually operates in the world. … Turning to political science, most scholarship on race and causation has implicitly relied on essentialist ideas. Within comparative politics, many studies include dummy variables representing different “racial” or “ethnic” groups; in American politics or public opinion research, many studies include race as a set of dummy variables for analyzing differences among individual respondents.
Essentialist theories present race largely as a set of immutable (fixed) characteristics
How then should we think about the “effect” of race:
Constructivist theories, which view race as a “bundle of sticks” varying in mutability, provide a more useful way for thinking about race.
Race and ethnicity are distinct but related concepts
Race is socially constructed
Some aspects of race are more mutable then others
Unpacking race into constituent parts helps us understand when, why, and how race may matter
Four examples of how race has been studied:
Group Differences
Group Interactions
Representational Linkages
Social Identity
Large literatures documenting racial gaps in:
Partisan Identification
Political Participation
Political Knowledge
Political Attitudes
:scale 40%
:scale 60%
:scale 60%
Racial gap literatures highlight the importance of race
Whites tend to be more Republican/conservative/participatory
Racial minorities tend to be more Democratic/liberal/less participatory
Do not necessarily explain “why” race matters and why race may matter differently
Competing predictions from theories of intergroup contact (Allport 1954, Pettigrew 1998, 2006):
Threat Hypothesis: ↑ intergroup contact → − group relations
Contact Hypothesis: ↑ intergroup contact → + group relations
Evidence for each theory, but the results are often conditional on
Unit of analysis / Context of Comparisons
Type of Comparison (Absolute vs Relative)
Possibility of Self-selection
Two Studies illustrate these dynamics:
Hostile political reactions to neighboring immigrants are most likely when communities undergo sudden influxes of immigrants and when salient national rhetoric reinforces the threat.
The extent to which a representative or legislative body resembles a given constituent and her social or demographic identities
One of several types of representation (Pitkin 1967)
Formalistic
Substantive
Descriptive
Symbolic
Does descriptive representation matter for:
Citizen Attitudes
Turnout
Legislative Behavior and Policy?
Bobo and Gilliam (1990) find that “blacks in high-black-empowerment areas—as indicated by control of the mayor’s office—are more active than either blacks living in low-empowerment areas or their white counterparts of comparable socioeconomic status.”
Fraga (2015) finds that co-ethnic candiates don’t appear to increase turnout. Instead turnout tends to increase as a group makes up a larger share of a districts population.
Broockman and Kalla (2011) find white representatives tend to be less responsive to putatively black constituents, while minority representatives tend to be more responsive.
Individual studies reveal large racial gap but what’s the mechanism?
Contextual studies suggest complex and conditional mechanisms
Consequences for representation are not always clear
General need for clearer definitions and theory
Race as a social identity has the following components:
Group membership refers to the assignment of an individual into a particular group based on characteristics that are specific to that group, in accordance with widely held intersubjective definitions.” (McClain et al. 2009, p 471)
“Group identification refers to an individual’s awareness of belonging to a certain group and having a psychological attachment to that group based on a perception of shared beliefs, feelings, interests, and ideas with other group members” (McClain et al. 2009, p 474)
Junn and Masuoka 2008 find respondents randomly assigned to view co-racial cabinet member had higher levels racial identification
“Group consciousness is in-group identification politicized by a set of ideological beliefs about one’s group’s social standing, as well as a view that collective action is the best means by which the group can improve its status and realize its interests” (McClain et al. 2009, p 476)
Miller et al. (1981) suggest GC is comprised of:
Identification: Feeling of belonging/attachment
Polar Affect: Preference for In-group > Out-groups
Polar Power: Feelings about relative status
Individual vs. Systemic Blame: Systemic → politicized
Race is socially constructed
Distinguish between
Each can vary across individuals, contexts, and time
Why have well-off Blacks seldom become more socially, economically, and politically conservative as they became upwardly mobile or as their children grew up in the middle class?
Black political homogeneity reflects a strong sense of Linked Fate
Shared experiences of disadvantage and discrimination → a sense that:
One’s own well being depends on well being of Black Americans as whole (Linked Fate)
Dawson (1994) argues linked fate functions as a “Black Utility Heuristic”
[A]s long as African-Americans’ life chances are powerfully shaped by race, it is efficient for individual African Americans to use their perceptions of the interests of African Americans as a group as a proxy for their own interest (p. 61)
Do you think what happens generally to Black people in this country will have something to do with what happens in your life?” “Will it affect you a lot, some, or not very much?”
Dawson (1994) finds linked fate among Blacks:
Is generally high
Doesn’t vary by class and mitigate class-based policy differences
Predicts vote choice (in 1984 and 1988 elections)
Predictive power of linked fate appears to decline over time
Is group consciousness a single or multi-dimensional concept
Hoschild et al. (2016) ask the following:
Is linked fate unique to Blacks
Is linked fate unique to Race
Is linked fate political
The process by which identities gain political meaning and spur political action is complex
Linked fate is one aspect of group consciousness
Theory should inform measurement and design
How do individuals navigate conflicts between self-interests and group interests?
A simple Black utility heuristic is insufficient to understand how citizens navigate these tensions
Instead decisions are function of:
White et al. (2014) examine how Blacks navigate conflict between self and group interests
Social pressure and internalized norms help reinforce group coherence
Take a few moments to write down some aspects of racial prejudice and how we might measure them, and how they have changed over time
Scholars often distinguish between:
Old-fashioned/Overt Racism
New-fashioned/Modern Racism
Measures of “old fashioned racism” among whites
Desire for social distance
Belief in biological inferiority
Support for segregation
Have all declined over time …
But racial inequality and discrimination – and opposition to policies designed to address these problems – remain.
Many scholars argue racial prejudices remain, but are cloaked in non-racial language:
Modern Racism (McConahay, 1986)
Symbolic Racism (Kinder and Sears 1981)
Racial Resentment (Kinder and Sanders 1996)
Kinders and Sanders suggest racial animus reflects:
Anti-Black affect
Beliefs about Black work ethic
Denials of continued discrimination
How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following:
Over the past few years, black people have gotten less than they deserve.
Irish, Italian, Jewish, and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Black people should do the same without any special favors.
It’s really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if black people would only try harder they could be just as well off as white people.
Generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for black people to work their way out of the lower class.
Sides, Tesler, and Vavreck (2019) find that racial resentment is a strong predictor of support for Trump in 2016.
Grimmer, Marble, & Tanigawa-Lau (2022) challenge conventional wisdom of 2016 by looking at aggregate gains across voting blocs (rather than predicted probabilities)
Use an experimental design varying the race and/or class of the target recipients for a scholarship program:
Eight treatment conditions:
Race Only: White or Black
Class Only: Poor or Middle Class
Race and Class: (Poor White/Black, Middle Class White/Black)
Scholars debate whether racial resentment measures prejudice or ideology
Feldman and Huddy (2005) provide evidence in support of both views
Opposition to racially targeted programs
Racialization: the process by which racial attitudes come to shape policy preferences
Spillover of racialization: “source cues that connect racialized public figures to specific issues are expected to activate racial considerations in mass opinion”
To test this claim Tesler leverages observational and experimental data
The Democratic party is viewed as more racially liberal
Politics is more polarized
Perhaps the relationships are spurious
We would like to get your opinion about two current health care proposals being debated.
As you may know, [some people have/President Obama/President Clinton] have proposed a plan that would guarantee health insurance for all Americans. What do you think? Do you Favor or Oppose the federal government guaranteeing health insurance for all Americans?
[Many of these same people have/President Obama/President Clinton] also proposed a government-administered health insurance plan, often called the “public option”, to compete with private insurance. What do you think? Do you Favor or Oppose a government-administered health insurance option?
Experimental: Racialization for another issue
Observational: Comparing Black and White attitudes over time
Until recently, relatively little research on the racial identities of Whites
Whiteness is everywhere in U.S. culture but it is very hard to see. … As the unmarked category against which difference is constructed, whiteness never has to speak its name, never has to acknowledge its role as an organizing principle in social and cultural relations (Lipsitz 1998)
Two questions:
Do whites identify as being white?
Are these identities political relevant?
Conventional Wisdom (Wong and Cho 2005)
Do whites identify as being white? Yes
Are these identities political relevant? Not really
Present Understanding (Jardina 2016)
Please read over the list [in the booklet] and tell me the number for those groups you feel particularly close to—people who are most like you in their ideas and interests and feelings about things.
White identities (as measured by closeness) exist
These measures have predictive validity
White identity doesn’t seem particularly political
White Identity
Importance
Pride
Commonality
White Consciousness
Identity measures
Competition with out-groups
Cooperation with in-group
Jardina proposes three measures of White identity:
Importance: How important is being white to your identity?
Pride: To what extent do you feel that white people in this country have a lot to be proud of?
Commonality: To what extent do you feel that white people in this country have a lot to be proud of?
Jardina defines racial consciousness for whites in terms of identification plus
Competition:How likely is it that many whites are unable to find a job because employers are hiring minorities instead?
Cooperation:How important is it that whites work together to change laws that are unfair to whites?
White racial identity exists and is politically salient
How to distinguish white identity from national identity, racial prejudice?
Role identities in 2020?
POLS 1140
Social Pressure Reduces Defections from Group Interest